Robert Mueller Is an Amoral Legal Assassin: He Will Do His Job If You Let Him - Page 32

At the same Senate Judiciary hearing, Comey refused to
state publicly that President Trump was not under investigation, despite repeatedly assuring the President of that fact
privately. He knew this allowed the media and Democratic
party “color revolution” to continue. He refused to confirm
that there was any investigation into the torrent of illegal classified leaks at the center of the media campaign.
On May 9, Trump fired Comey, setting the stage for Robert
Mueller’s appointment as Special Prosecutor. At the center of
Mueller’s inquiry will be a conspiracy to obstruct justice charge
against the President for firing James Comey, along with any
so-called process crimes he can find during his investigation:
registration offenses under the Foreign Agents Registration
Act, tax offenses, or false statements to FBI agents or Congress. As he builds his case, Mueller will follow his standard
playbook, putting unrelenting psychological pressure on those
Trump loyalists he can implicate in the process crimes. He will
continue to target and investigate the President’s family for
similar offenses in order to destabilize the President himself.
He will continue the relentless demonization of the President,
in order to ensure that neutral officials in Washington who
witnessed key events will testify not according to the truth, but
according to what they see as future career prospects.
Following his firing, Comey and friends leaked to the press
notes which he had allegedly taken following most of his encounters with the President. With each encounter, Comey’s
leaked account says, he returned to discuss what was said
and its implications with a close circle of his FBI comrades.
He prepared for each encounter with the President based
on “murder boards” conducted by his FBI colleagues. In the
course of their meetings, Comey says, the President asked for
his loyalty, which Comey portrayed like the request of some
mafia don in a bad Hollywood movie. If it happened, such a
request, in the context of what appeared to be an open insurrection against the President by the intelligence community,
is hardly surprising. The President denies that it happened.
On the day after the President fired Flynn, according to
Comey, the President cleared the room and went one on
one with him, expressing the “hope” that Comey could let
the matter of Michael Flynn go. Comey whines that he took
the President’s “hope” as an “order,” giving rise to concerns
about possible obstruction of justice. This line of reasoning
was thoroughly eviscerated by Senator James Risch in the
Senate Judicary Committee hearing on June 8, 2017. Senator
Risch forced Comey to admit that Trump never ordered him
to let the Flynn matter go, but only expressed a “hope” that he
would do so, and no prosecution that Comey knew of ever
went forward, based on someone expressing “hope” for something. While the President denies he ever asked Comey to let
Page 32
the Flynn matter go, Harvard Law Professor Emeritus and
famed trial lawyer Alan Dershowitz writes that the President
would be fully within his legal and constitutional prerogatives
to order Comey to back off Flynn. He could have simply told
Comey, I am going to pardon Flynn.
So, it is clear by James Comey’s own account that he
was trying to set the President up, to entrap him—an escapade which was “crudely” interrupted when the President fired him. Again, confirming this, Comey told Senator Susan Collins in his testimony, that the reason why he
did not stop the President from improper interactions, if
he thought they were such, the reason he concealed the alleged improper and possibly illegal conduct from his superiors at the Justice Department, and the reason he did not
resign, was because his encounters with the President were
of “investigative interest” to the FBI. Otherwise, Comey’s
leaks reveal a man so leery of even shaking the President’s
hand (or being photographed doing it) that once in January
he tried to hide himself in the White House drapes in the
hopes that Trump would not see him.
The problem for Robert Mueller’s obstruction case, among
others, is that both Comey and his Assistant Andrew McCabe
have previously testified, under oath, to Congress that there
was no pressure to end the FBI’s investigations from anyone
in the Trump Administration. And, Comey confirmed in his
testimony that prior to his firing, Trump was not under investigation for collusion with Russia, obstruction, or any other
offense. Further, Comey has proved that he is willing to violate professional norms and Justice Department regulations,
if not laws, by leaking government documents. The question
is, what else was leaked by Comey and his FBI circle? Finally,
we now know that Comey lied to or misled Congress about
the “wiretaps” on Trump Tower—the Manafort FISA warrants
prove the case. Senator Grassley has asked the FBI: Why, if you
were wiretapping a close associate of the President, wouldn’t
you warn the President about him as is customarily done? The
true answer is that the President himself was and is the target
of an unprecedented and illegal coup-attempt conducted by
those sworn to uphold the Constitution and the nation’s laws.
Those familiar with the relationship between Comey and
Robert Mueller describe them as “joined at the hip,” “cut from
the same cloth” (can’t help thinking of the Union Jack), close
personal friends, and mentor (Mueller) to mentee (Comey).
The problem with this relationship is that Department of Justice conflict guidelines specifically bar prosecutors (Mueller)
from investigating issues where close friends (Comey) have a
significant role, such as material witnesses. Official Washington knows all of this and yet touts this investigation as somehow “independent,” “apolitical,” and “unconflicted.”
Special Investigative Report


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